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Civil Society and Making of Foreign Policy by Dr. Venugopal B Menon and Chinnu Jolly Jerome

The link between Civil Society and the State, and the resultant interactions in evolving the foreign policy are all increasingly recognized in modern times. The world now acknowledges the relevance of civil societies / non-governmental organizations in the making unmaking of foreign policies of governments.
 The term ‘Civil Society’ is traced to the period of Enlightenment in the 18th century. But, it has much older history in ancient political thought of the classical period. This concept was used as a synonym to good society and the state. Socrates admonished that public argument through ‘dialectic’ was imperative to ensure ‘Civility’ in the ‘polis’ and ‘good life’ of the people, for  Plato, the ideal state was a just society in which people dedicate themselves to the common good, practice Civic virtues of wisdom, courage, moderation and justice, and perform the occupational role to which they were best suited. It was the duty of the ‘Philosopher King” to look after people in civility. Aristotle mandated: ‘Polis’ was an ‘association of associations’ that enabled citizens to share in the virtuous task of ruling and being ruled. These philosophers made no distinction between state and society. Rather they held that state represented the civil form of society and ‘civility’ represented the requirement of good citizenship. They held that human beings are inherently rational so that they can collectively shape the nature of society they belong to. And the people have the capacity to voluntarily gather for the common cause and maintain peace in society. Holding the above views, we can assume that the classical political thinkers had endorsed the genesis of civil society in its original sense.
However, the medieval period had shadowed the concept of the rationality of human beings. Renaissance stimulated the growth of ‘humanism’. Humanists believed in the dignity and potential of human being. The concern for social values, individualism and intellectual freedom had regained momentum. Humanists of the like Francesco Petravch, Leonardo Bruni and Leon Battista Alberti were the champions of this movement. Many of them were supporters of Republican ideology that held human beings can independently shape their political environment.Thus, the focus was shifted from theology to human autonomy. The city of man and his happiness became more important than everything else. By then, the expansion of trade, growth of prosperity, luxury and widening social contacts generated interest in worldly pleasures. The humanists questioned all forms of absolutism and were in favour of individual freedom. Later, it induced the germination of ideas such as individual rights, human security, socialism and democracy.
The “Scientific Revolution” in the 16th Century which created a new and orderly version of the world has replaced faith by “positivism” and feudalism by Capitalism. The political philosophers of the time, having triggered by the scientific rigour, held that social relations also could be ordered like that of the natural philosophy. These attempts led to the ‘Social Contract’ theory which explains ‘state-society’ relations vis-a-vis human nature.
They held that the nature of human beings determined the contours of state-society relations. Thomas Hobbes (with his experience of the English civil war) underlined the need for a powerful state to maintain civility in society. Hobbes’ view that human beings are motivated by self-interests and these are often contradictory in nature led to a condition of “all against all”. Hobbes proclaimed: rationality and self-interests persuaded human beings to continue in agreement, to surrender sovereignty to a common power which is Leviathan. There were two types of relationships. One was ‘vertical’ between Leviathan and the people; and the other ‘horizontal’ relationship among the people under the surveillance of Leviathan. Hobbes’ account of the ‘State of Nature’ and the ‘sovereignty of the state’ induced the germination of ‘Realism’ in later periods that defined the nature and relationship between the state and civil society.
John Locke, during the period of Glorious Revolution that marked the struggle between the divine right of the Crown and the political right of Parliament, forged a social contract theory of a limited state and a powerful society. Having held that the consolidation of political power can be turned into autocracy, Locke set forth two treaties on Government with reciprocal obligations. In the first, people submit themselves to the common public authority which enacts and maintain laws and the later which limits the public authority from threatening the basic rights of the human beings, which include the preservation of life, liberty and property. He also held that the state must operate within the bounds of civil and natural laws. Locke, ultimately, contributed to the liberal tradition which has a distinct notion about State- Civil society relations.
The ‘Thirty Years War’ and the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 gave birth to a modern state system which endorsed the state as the territory based political units having Sovereignty. The Enlightenment thinkers believed in the inherent goodness of the human mind. They vehemently opposed the alliance between State and the Church. Jean Jacques Rousseau and Immanuel Kant argued that people are peace lovers and the wars are the creation of absolute rulers. Alexis de Tocqueville argued for the system which was effective to guard against the domination of a single interest and check the tyranny. With his inherent opposition to mercantilism, Adam Smith argued that wealthy state might become despotic, that would lead to wars and territorial conquests. Therefore he advocated the separation of economy from the state. Many thinkers held that mercantilism augmented the power of the despotic state and it did no aim at the welfare of the people. The leading thinkers of the Enlightenment period considered civil society as a separate realm that stood for the protection of individual rights and private property. Conceiving this idea, Hegel held that civil society had emerged at the particular epoch of capitalism, therefore it serves its interests: individual rights and private property. This theme was taken further by Karl Marx who held that civil society was the “base” where productive forces and social relations were taken place. He considered the state and the civil society as the executive arms of the ‘bourgeoisie’; therefore both should be withered away. This negative impression about Civil Society was rectified by Antonio Gramsci that led to the revival of the term in contemporary times. Apart from Marx, Gramsci did not consider civil society as coterminous with the socio-economic base of the state. He located civil society in the political superstructure. He underlined the crucial role of civil society as the contributor of the cultural and ideological capital for the survival of the hegemony of capitalism.

Analysing the realities in the capitalist West and the Russian Revolution, Gramsci endorsed the importance of shaping the cultural and ideological contours of civil society. Gramsci’s conception of civil society includes all social institutions that are non-production related, non-governmental and non-familial that ranges from recreational groups to trade unions and political parties. With the emergence of New Social Movements (NSMs), civil society became a key terrain of strategic action to construct “an alternative social and world order”. Gramsci viewed civil society as the site for problem solving. Agreeing with this view, the ‘New Left’ assigns Civil Society a key role in defending people against the state and market and in formulating democratic will to influence the state.

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